「陽園遺集」 國譯 硏究

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A Study on the translation of 「YangwonYujip」
- Focusing on (序)·Ki(記)·Je(題)·Bal(跋) -

Baek, Cheon.
Advisor : Associate Prof Lee, Jongbeom.
Major in Translation of Sino-Korean Classic School of Chosun University

In the modern era, Chosun(朝鮮) experienced constitutional crisis resulted by people’s complaints and continuous riots internally, as well as the appearance of foreign ships externally, with two invasions of the West, and Western power’s invasion of China, which made the people’s fear rise. In addition, as the ports opened up for the Western civilization, it seemed that Confucianism, which mentally supported the Chosun dynasty and controlled the society’s complaints, was not doing its job. The intellectual class in this period was divided by 3 groups depending on their seeking goals; keeping the traditions, being enlightened, or both Dongdoseogi(東道西器).
Among these groups, Dongdoseogi was about keeping our tradition and selectively accepting Western thoughts and civilization for national prosperity, and ShinGiseon(申箕善) was the representative person of this group. Since the author was a person who practiced Dongdoseogi thought while he was consecutively working for the government, several researches was processed using his writings. In this argument, people tried to praise the author’s morality and writing skills, avoiding heavy topics, as well as peek inside to see his view of society, nation, and the world.
First, we checked the characters in his collection of works in order to find out his Enlightenment momentum. When ShinGiseon came up to capital at 14, his mentor, ShinEungjo(申應朝) who was already successful with his studies and reputation, was fairly frank enough to be friends with ParkGyusu(朴珪壽). It seems that ShinGiseon, who asserted anti-Qing dynasty movements, may have changed his attitude from stubborn Moral sense theory to a more flexible and realistic position through his meeting with SeoEungsoon(徐應淳), who supported the idea of realistic acceptance. ParkGyusu, who was in charge of the construction of the royal palace, visited with other people and encouraged ShinGiseon when he heard that ShinGiseon was concentrating on his studies during chaos. He was bright enough in international situations to teach about Enlightenment movement with KimOkgyun(金玉均) and ParkYoungho(朴泳孝). Shin Giseon must have been influenced a lot by them through their interactions. This should have made his thought and position change to realistic acceptance of Enlightenment.
The author does not state specifically about the cause and problems of Chosun’s poor reality and the necessity of Enlightenment but rather says broadly that Chosun’s politics, economy, education have become worse. And he says that the Western wealthy countries’ accomplishments came from practical studies and industry matching the reality. So his logic was that they needed to accept the Western culture in order to get out of the poor state and become a wealthy country. But there was no deep consideration about the process and background of being a modern society through Western industrial revolution. Also, there was no specific awareness of their neighbor Japan’s historic progress to Capitalism and modern society. Since he only pursued only their external modern accomplishments without any experience through on site visit, he had limited specifics about the method and procedure to practice Enlightenment.
In addition, the author is saying that the cause of West’s wealthy power was the agreement between the government and the people as well as some people’s united leadership. This argument seems logical, but the agreement here is based on Confucian autocracy, and some people means intellectual officials with foreign study experience. This means that it had a gap from Gaehwa(開化) logic that leads to modern civil society. The author had thought that Japan had accepted the Western civilization and joined the Ranks of Powers based on the Emperor system.
His saying of keeping the traditions means that the protection from any threats of Dongdo such as the West’s political policy and culture based on Christianity. In his position, it was resisting the immoral actions like ignite a fire of spiritual tablets in rites. He couldn’t accept this barbarian culture, which only pursued invasions and profits using military force in trading countries. Also, he thought that the West’s civil society institution was able to demolish feudal monarchy’s moral order based on Confucianism and that this was discrepant from the teachings of the wise. Therefore, he was not interested in their modern society’s process of growth and background because he had in mind of the Dongdo-centered system. For example, in 1908, he works as the president in Korea Academy that was established by Japan’s fund support. In this period, he should have evaluated Japan’s reality and tried to recover national sovereignty. Even though he was criticized by ShinChaeho(申采浩) as Japan's three faithful slave, there was no word that he had left the academy. Due to his misjudgment of state of affairs, his activities to preserve the Dongdo(東道) turned out to be Pro-Japanese.
Let's look at the gap between the reality and Shin Giseon's awareness of the situation while he was pursuing a prosperous country through Dongdoseogi.
First, it was his preconception. In the modern era, the relationship between Chosun and the West was not friendly. It seems that his image of the West was negative due to two invasions with depravity acts for their own benefits such as General Sherman's atrocity and exhumation of Namyeongun(南延君) grave.
Second, he was unskilled in foreign state of affairs. He had neither data to find out the West’s true nature nor any real opportunity to visit the site. Thus, even though he modeled our modernization after Japan, lack of specific examples of Japan's accomplishment process and background as well as lack of the concept of Capitalism policy made him difficult to see the state of affairs properly.
Third, his excessive black and white logic played a role. He saw that immoral background like invading the weak and forcing trades by the West was derived from Christianity. He considered that the policy and culture of the West based on Christianity was barbarian. Therefore, he fought hard to keep the moral society with just unlimited faith in foreign studies.
For this reason, Dongdoseogi did not give deep interest into the process of the West being modern civil society but rather simply premised the acceptance of their civilization. As a result, his passion of pursuing a wealthy country based on moral society and his foreign perception had a limit from making Chosun a modern civil society.
Alternative Title
A Study on the translation of 「YangwonYujip」
Alternative Author(s)
Baek, Cheon.
일반대학원 고전번역학과
Awarded Date
Table Of Contents
목 차


Ⅰ. 머리말 1

Ⅱ. 신기선의 생애와 「陽園遺集」 7
1. 생애와 사상 7
(1) 생애와 교유관계 7
(2) 동도서기 사상의 형성과 전개 13

2. 「陽園遺集」과 序·記·題·跋 23
(1) 「陽園遺集」의 편찬과 구성 23
(2) 序·記·題·跋에 드러난 고유문명에 대한 신념 26

Ⅲ. 「陽園遺集」 國譯 45
1. 「陽園遺集」 권7 序文 45
(1) 죽암정사에서 여러 군자와 이별하며 준 글[竹巖精舍奉別諸君子序] 45
(2) 재종형 백씨 수연에 드리는 글[再從兄壽筵序] 50
(3) 취규당집 서문[聚奎堂集序] 53
(4) 성천 부사로 부임하는 승선 이재완 순칠을 전별하며 준 글[送李承宣載完舜七赴任成川序] 55
(5) 충효단 처사 서공 유고에 붙인 서문[忠孝壇處士徐公遺稿序] 57
(6) 삼호계 서문[三乎契序] 60
(7) 회원계 서문[會元契序] 64
(8) 사원계 서문[四圓契序] 67
(9) 유생 송주헌을 전송하며 준 글[送宋生桂憲序] 70
(10) 심획계 서문[心畫契序] 73
(11) 중형 이산선생 61세 수연에 올린 글[仲氏梨山先生六十一歲壽序] 76
(12) 남양 송씨 화수계 서문[南陽宋氏花樹契序] 81
(13) 이택계 서문[麗澤契序] 84
(14) 원재집 서문[遠齋集序] 86
(15) 초은 이공 시집의 서문[樵隱李公詩集序] 89
(16) 대한역대사략 서문[大韓歷代史略序] 92
(17) 보인계 서문[輔仁契序] 95
(18) 일본으로 돌아가는 산미계에게 준 글[贈山米溪東歸序] 97
(19) 옥과군지 서문[玉果郡誌序] 102
(20) 심계서[心契序] 105
(21) 공진계 서문[拱震契序] 108
(22) 담성계 서문[淡成契序] 111
(23) 연암집 서문[燕巖續集序] 114
(24) 남으로 돌아가는 이백영에게 준 글[贈李百榮南歸序] 118
(25) 김해 김씨 족보의 서문[金海金氏族譜序] 121
(26) 학성금신계의 서문[鶴城襟紳契序] 124

2. 「陽園遺集」 권8 序文 128
(1) 일현사 서문[逸賢社序] 128
(2) 경주 최씨 족보 서문[慶州崔氏族譜序] 131
(3) 협양계 서문[協襄契序] 134
(4) 정충재 유림안 서문[貞忠齋儒林案序] 136
(5) 분봉상사 선생안 서문[分奉常司先生案序] 138
(6) 종인 표를 보내면서 준 글[送宗人杓序] 142
(7) 단양 이씨 족보 서문[丹陽李氏族譜序] 145
(8) 융도계 서문[隆道契序] 149
(9) 관성계 서문[管城契序] 152
(10) 문화계 서문[文化契序] 154
(11) 단천 향안 서문[端川鄕案序] 157
(12) 숭인계 서문[崇仁契序] 160
(13) 동가평사 양사계 서문[東加平社養士契序] 163
(14) 영신계 서문[永信契序] 166
(15) 모의재안 서문[慕義齋案序] 168
(16) 지류재안 서문[砥流齋案序] 171
(17) 용천재계 서문[龍川齋契序] 174
(18) 출신청 종육규칙 서문[出身廳種育規則序] 177
(19) 축호서당계 중선좌목 서문[杻湖書堂契重繕座目序] 179
(20) 함산 신 문종계안 서문[咸山申門宗契案序] 182
(21) 등용계 속록 서문[登龍契續錄序] 184
(22) 함흥군 종육회 좌목 서문[咸興郡種育會座目序] 187
(23) 주사 김면필과 유별하며 준 글[留別金主事勉弼序] 192
(24) 흥무왕 실기 서문[興武王實記序] 195
(25) 모명 두공 실기 서문[慕明杜公實記序] 198
(26) 광산 탁씨 족보 서문[光山卓氏族譜序] 201
(27) 길주 진신계 서문[吉州搢紳契序] 204
(28) 농재유고에 서문을 쓰다[書農齋遺稿序] 206
(29) 애석 조 상국 61세 수연에 드린 글[藹石趙相國六十一歲壽序] 209
(30) 평산 신씨 온수감공파 족보 서문[平山申氏溫水監公派族譜序] 212
(31) 월파유고 서문[月坡遺稿序] 215
(32) 소룡산방시집 서문[小龍山房詩集序] 218

3. 「陽園遺集」 권9 記文 221
(1) 오지정려 기문[五之精廬記] 221
(2) 의재기[毅齋記] 226
(3) 사위당 기문[四爲堂記] 230
(4) 금남서실 기문[錦南書室記] 233
(5) 오괴정 기문[五槐亭記] 236
(6) 목천현 향교 중수기[木川縣學重修記] 240
(7) 봉강서재 기문[鳳岡書齋記] 246
(8) 유천재 기문[柳泉齋記] 249
(9) 겸수재 기문[謙受齋記] 252
(10) 봉헌기[鳳軒記] 256
(11) 박효자 정려기[朴孝子旌閭記] 259
(12) 용강재 기문[龍岡齋記] 262
(13) 청룡재 기문[靑龍齋記] 265
(14) 양졸헌 기문[養拙軒記] 268
(15) 낙안 박효자 정려기[樂安朴孝子旌閭記] 271
(16) 열부 장씨 정려기[烈婦張氏旌閭記] 274
(17) 덕암재 기문[德巖齋記] 276
(18) 조헌기[眺軒記] 278
(19) 연소재 기문[鷰巢齋記] 280
(20) 농암기[聾菴記] 282
(21) 서불암 중수기[西佛庵重修記] 285
(22) 이죽기[異竹記] 288
(23) 향로재 기문[香老齋記] 290
(24) 퇴운정 기문[退雲亭記] 293
(25) 벽천정 기문[碧千亭記] 296

4. 「陽園遺集」 권10 記文 299
(1) 북한산 유람기[遊北漢記] 299
(2) 배록동 정자기[排綠洞亭子記] 317
(3) 술헌기[述軒記] 320
(4) 경상남도 낙육재 기문[慶尙南道樂育齋記] 323
(5) 덕은재 기문[德隱齋記] 327
(6) 영모재 기문[永慕齋記] 330
(7) 삼청당 중수기[三淸堂重修記] 332
(8) 창원 남사비각 기문[昌原南社碑閣記] 335
(9) 공북정 중수기[拱北亭重修記] 338
(10) 작천정 기문[酌川亭記] 341
(11) 승심재 기문[勝尋齋記] 344
(12) 승가사 중건기[僧伽寺重建記] 348
(13) 우재기[愚齋記] 353
(14) 향덕사 기문[享德祠記] 355
(15) 정화릉 정자각·재실·청고 중수기[定和陵丁字閣及齋室廳庫重修記] 358
(16) 경학재 기문[經學齋記] 361
(17) 영모재 기문[永慕齋記] 365
(18) 상배사 기문[湘涪祠記] 368
(19) 열녀 최씨의 정려기[烈女崔氏旌閭記] 373
(20) 벽서정 기문[碧棲亭記] 376
(21) 기성묘 기문[箕聖廟記] 378
(22) 청양재 기문 [靑陽齋記] 381
(23) 노서헌 기문[老棲軒記] 383
(24) 태사사 수즙기실[太師祠修葺記實] 385

5. 「陽園遺集」 권11 題文·跋文 외 387
(1) 죽암정사 상읍례 홀기에 붙인 발문[竹巖精舍相揖禮笏記跋] 387
(2) 양정당 기문 뒤에 적다[題養正堂記後] 393
(3) 국포 권공의 상소 초고 뒤에 쓰다[書菊圃權公疏藁後] 395
(4) 신촌 황필수의 자술부 뒤에 적다[題黃愼村泌秀自述賦後] 397
(5) 갑오정비록 뒤에 적다[題甲午靖匪錄後] 399
(6) 묵천집 뒤에 적다[題默泉集後] 401
(7) 동회공 서첩 뒤에 공경히 적다[敬題東淮公書帖後] 403
(8) 낙민루 기문 뒤에 공경히 적다[敬題樂民樓記後] 405
(9) 덕곡집 발문[德谷集跋] 407
(10) 한씨 선적록 뒤에 적다[題韓氏先蹟錄後] 409
(11) 김해 김씨 세헌 뒤에 적다[題金海金氏世獻後] 412
(12) 회곡시고 뒤에 적다[題晦谷詩稿後] 414
(13) 감찰 김공 실기 발문[監察金公實記跋] 416
(14) 노 효자 행적 뒤에 적다[題魯孝子行蹟後] 418
(15) 옥암 송군의 사우간독 뒤에 적다[題玉菴宋君師友簡牘後] 420
(16) 죽헌 김공 가전에 적다[題竹軒金公家傳] 423
(17) 입지잠[立志箴] 426
(18) 위학잠[爲學箴] 428
(19) 사친잠[事親箴] 430
(20) 계색잠[戒色箴] 432
(21) 인지당명[麟趾堂銘] 434
(22) 공옥재명 병서[攻玉齋銘幷序] 437
(23) 등영재명[登瀛齋銘] 439
(24) 석고송 병서[石鼓頌幷序] 442
(25) 포은 선생을 찬송하다[圃隱先生贊] 446
(26) 조선조의 여섯 군자를 찬송하다[本朝六君子贊] 447
(27) 학명재찬[鶴鳴齋贊] 450
(28) 심석찬[心石贊] 452
(29) 연호설[蓮湖說] 455
(30) 성은설[城隱說] 458
(31) 간암설[艮巖說] 461
(32) 남운설[南雲說] 463
(33) 양원설[陽園說] 466
(34) 구사설 침랑 한기영에게 주다[求仕說 贈韓寢郞基英] 468
(35) 북귀설 침랑 한장원 부헌에게 주다[北歸說 贈韓寢郞章元溥憲] 471
(36) 내산설 김운경 용묵에게 주다[來山說 贈金雲卿溶默] 473
(37) 심와설[心窩說] 475
(38) 해사설[海史說] 478
(39) 남녀에 대한 변론[辨男女論] 482

Ⅳ. 맺음말 487

부록1. 家狀 489
2. 序文·記文·題文·跋文 등 요약 501
3. 家系圖 526

【참고문헌】 527
조선대학교 대학원
백천. (2016). 「陽園遺集」 國譯 硏究.
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